Fair governance threatened

An important research titled Poll Expenditure: The 2019 Elections, conducted by New Delhi's Centre for Media Studies (CMS) on the recently held general elections, signals threats to the representative form of government, according to SY Quraishi, a former Chief Election Commissioner of India. Quraishi, in his introduction to the CMS research, says that the report reveals deep linkages between election expenditure and the exorbitant levels of corruption that citizens have to bear while availing basic public services. The report has been brought in the form of a monograph and was released in Delhi a couple of days ago in the presence of several luminaries.

CMS, which boasts of 30 years of active and hectic pursuits as an independent institute and research-based think-tank headed by Chairman Dr N Bhaskar Rao, has been studying election campaigns and election expenditure for over two decades. CMS, often, has indicated that election time expenditure is the mother of all corruption in the country. The details of the report are quite intriguing.

The report says that the 2019 general election, the process of which stretched over 75 days, emerges to be the most expensive election ever, anywhere. In this election, the number of voters increased to 902 million and the number of polling booths to over a million; but the overall voter turnout was not as impressive. Never before have candidates, leaders, parties and even the news media, been so much in violation of the Election Commission of India's (ECI's) model code of conduct. Throughout the campaign period, news channels showed intensely and frequently the confiscation of cash, gold, silver, liquor, etc., observed the report.

The number of millionaire candidates that contested the elections continues to be prominent, as was the case of those with a criminal background. A high percentage of voters acknowledged or confirmed themselves receiving cash for their vote directly for the first time. It has been confirmed that direct bank transfer of money on the eve of polling has become a new route to lure voters in the name of one or more schemes of the government.

Instances were more of some key party functionaries referring to the amount spent by their own party, how much voters were paid and how much all parties together spent. The other development which contributed to the increased poll expenditure was the introduction of electoral bonds which facilitated the contribution of corporates for poll funding in anonymity, removed the ceiling on corporate contribution, allowed contribution of foreign corporates in India for campaigns, etc.

ECI has an elaborate system of surveillance and tracking at the district level, local level and other levels. How all this information is being used and what action has been taken for violations and excesses, either in the earlier or recent elections, was not clear. In fact, in the recent elections, ECI had further strengthened its apparatus by appointing more expenditure observers from income tax and revenue departments. It confiscated twice more cash, gold, liquor, than in 2014. But there is no evidence that those initiatives made much difference to the expenditure on poll campaigns.

This poll witnessed considerable hectic campaigning till days before the ECI notification on March 10, 2019. That expenditure also deserved to be included. This includes the growing expenditure on advertising in the specific context of elections. Of course, there were some channels that continued even after the ECI notification as dedicated propaganda entities. Then there were solo hour-long interviews on different national channels in between the poll phases. The dilemma was whether these costs were to be included.

CMS has evolved a PEE approach (Perceptions, Experiences and Estimation) of enquiry to reasonably arrive at what occurs or who are involved in different activities at different points of campaigning along with the category of pockets or different constituencies. It was this PEE model approach which helped establish more reliable estimates on corruption involving citizens in availing basic public services. Based on primary and secondary inputs, assumptions were made about what percentage of voters were distributed and how much was distributed per voter.

15 to 40 per cent voters were distributed in a sizeable number of segments, sub-segments of constituencies. The amount distributed depended on the keenness of contests, the profile of candidates and the region. Even within a constituency, there were different levels. Although the number of candidates per seat was more than three in most, the expenditure of only two candidates in most seats was included. For the other, only a nominal expense for nomination and campaign was considered. All were paid in cash. Some were offered promises, including positions or patronage. 10 to 12 per cent voters acknowledged receiving cash directly. But two-thirds acknowledged that voters around them also received cash for their vote.

On average, nearly Rs 100 crore per Lok Sabha constituency has been spent. Overall, it is estimated that about Rs 700 per vote was spent. As the number of candidates who are millionaires with business interest has been on the rise in recent elections, a higher percentage of expenditure is being borne by candidates themselves. There are many cases of candidates contributing to the party or meeting some campaign costs of other candidates as well. Moreover, over one-third of all poll expenditure could be described as unaccounted for.

According to the report, in 20 years, involving six elections to Lok Sabha between 1998 and 2019, the election expenditure had gone up by around six times from Rs 9,000 crore to around Rs 55,000 crore. It is interesting to see how the ruling party gears up to spend much more than other parties in the Lok Sabha poll. BJP spent about 20 per cent in 1998 against about 45 per cent in 2019 out of the total poll expenditure estimate of Rs 9,000 crore to Rs 55,000 crore. Congress party's share was 40 per cent of total expenditure in 2009, against 15 to 20 per cent in 2019.

In majority districts of Andhra Pradesh, voters were paid together for the Assembly and Lok Sabha. Here, in four (of 13) districts (two in Godavari, Krishna and Guntur districts) more than half of voters were paid on an average and paid anywhere between Rs 1000-2000 per vote. CMS estimated that Rs 5,000 crore was spent for the Assembly poll in Telangana in December. As voters were disbursed money in the Assembly polls, this Lok Sabha poll involved a lower percentage of expenditure.

CMS feels that, except symbolic confiscations at some places, there has been no stern initiative by ECI. Unless it demonstrates its powers, it cannot expect to make the difference. If ECI remains a silent spectator when parties and candidates do not observe its directives, what is its sanctity? It is high time that Parliament deliberates on poll expenditure for campaigns, and about election funding, preceded by serious national discussions. As political parties, candidates and even governments are not enthusiastic to curb and curtail poll expenditure, it is for citizens and the civil society to pursue the issue concluded by CMS.

According to Suresh P Prabhu, former Union Cabinet Minister, CMS report quantifies something we already know – that money is used to lure voters. But we do not view it as an issue threatening the very free and fair character of our elections. The scale of this menace as revealed here should scare every right-thinking citizen of the country.

(The author is Chief PRO to Telangana CM. The views expressed are strictly personal)