Rhetoric of Rupture

Pakistani Chief of Army Staff (COAS) General Syed Asim Munir delivered what was described by Pakistani media as a powerful address (Islamabad, April 16) at the first Overseas Pakistanis Convention in Islamabad, asserting that Pakistan’s enemies are mistaken in thinking that a handful of terrorists can dictate the country’s destiny. He underscored that even ten generations of terrorists cannot damage Baluchistan or Pakistan, adding that Baluchistan is not only vital to the country’s future but also a symbol of national pride.

While emphasising that the young generation of Pakistan should be constantly reminded of the country’s history, the Army Chief said that Hindus are culturally and ideologically different from Pakistanis, and that is where the foundation of the two-nation theory was laid. “We are two nations, we are not one nation,” he said. Munir reopened the two-nation theory, stressing that India and Pakistan are two different countries in his provocative speech. He called for narrating Pakistan’s story to children, lest they forget what their forefathers believed—that they were different from Hindus in every possible aspect of life. “Our religion is different, our customs are different, our traditions are different, our thoughts are different, our ambitions are different—that’s where the foundation of the two-nation theory was laid.” He also reiterated that Pakistanis should not forget the story of Pakistan—how it was formed and the “sacrifices” made by its forefathers—so that their bond with Pakistan never weakens, whether it is the third generation, or the fourth, or the fifth.

Keeping Munir’s speech in mind, it is imperative to examine why he suddenly raked up the two-nation theory and raised the issue of Hindus and Muslims. Why did he choose this particular juncture to come out with such provocative rhetoric? Prime facie, it appears that he most likely wants to divert the attention of the general public of Pakistan, who are increasingly confused by political fragility, economic uncertainty, and other internal problems that have beleaguered the country. Most crucially, the General must be worried about Baluchistan, which has mounted a formidable onslaught against the Pakistani establishment and the all-powerful military, making the country increasingly fragile and vulnerable to repeated terror attacks—the statistics of which are frightfully disturbing. Munir also seemed to send a powerful message to non-resident Pakistanis to show that the Army is still powerful in the country, calling the shots, while the civilian administration is just a token dispensation “ruling” the government.

Also, the message was perhaps aimed at Muslims in India and Bangladesh, in an apparent attempt to divide the two communities. He is probably reeling under the notion that the recent communal disturbances in some parts of West Bengal and the communal tension in Bangladesh may provide him a readymade opportunity to exploit the situation and ignite one faith against another. Whatever the case, his disproportionate and uncalled-for remarks reveal a huge sense of frustration and desperation.

Munir’s outbursts are typically reminiscent of erstwhile military dictators Zia ul Haq (1977–1988) and Pervez Musharraf (1999–2008), who pursued communal hatred and postured acerbically against India, fostering animosity and extreme hostility. Further, Munir’s utterances possibly indicate political ambitions, which have never been uncommon among Pakistan’s military despots.

It is perhaps worth remembering that Munir belongs to a religious family from Rawalpindi. His father was an Imam, and he himself studied the Quran at a seminary and acquired the title Hafiz-e-Quran for memorising the entire Quran by verse in Medina. Munir is possibly the first Army Chief with overt Islamic credentials. Even after becoming Chief, Munir has never shied away from his religious leanings and has liberally used terminology associated with jihadi discourse, like jihad fi Sabilillah. Since he became the Army Chief in 2022, several of Munir’s statements have raised concerns. To cite one, speaking at a meeting of the grand jirga of religious elders in Peshawar (August 2023), Munir said that the Pakistan Army was the army of martyrs whose motto is imaan, taqwa aur jihad fi Sabilillah [faith, piety, and jihad in the path of Allah]. He further revealed that after the Riyasat-e-Madina [the State of Medina, the first Islamic state established by the Prophet Muhammad], Pakistan is the second state established based on the Kalimah.

It is a well-known fact that the Pakistan Army not only promotes terrorist outfits like Lashkar-e-Toiba (LeT), Jaish-e-Mohammad (JeM), and Hizbul Mujahideen (HM) as part of its military strategy but also perceives such moves as part of its religious obligation. The Islamisation of the Pakistan Army appears complete. Closely scrutinising Munir’s provocative speech, it is felt that he is asserting his position and clearly wants to incite communal forces not only in Pakistan but also across the border and in Bangladesh. His speech has, as expected, been well-received by religious extremists in Pakistan, ultra-conservative clerics, and anti-India forces. He may also have succeeded in keeping a segment of the military with religious fanaticism in good humour. That said, his statement will also promote further religious intolerance in Pakistan.

To reinforce this point, it may be noted that a 46-year-old Ahmadiyya businessman was very recently lynched when a few hundred supporters of the ideologically extremist party Tehreek-i-Labbaik Pakistan (TLP) stormed a place of worship belonging to the Ahmadi community in Karachi’s Saddar area on April 18. According to Ahmadi community spokesperson Amir Mehmood, the deceased, a known figure in the community, was passing through the area around 100–150 meters away from the place of worship when TLP supporters recognised him and began beating him, leading to his death. This clearly shows the spiralling persecution against minorities in Pakistan.

In light of Munir’s views coming into the open in such a glaring manner, Counter Intelligence, Counter Terror, and other relevant agencies need to up their antenna to foil every move—nipping in the bud any emerging sign with the potential to trigger communal violence in Kashmir, West Bengal, or any other part of the country.

The writer is a retired IPS officer, Adviser NatStrat, and a former National Security Advisor in Mauritius. Views expressed are personal